Gloriagate Post-Impeachment roundup for Sept. 08

- Word on De Quiros about the fake "political cure-all/panacea" called Cha-cha:

To begin with, if the congressional deliberations on impeachment are anything to go by, turning the country parliamentary is not a promise, it is a threat. It guarantees that mob rule, or a political Mafia, will hold sway in this country, squashing all opposition to it, the way Congress squashed the move to impeach Ms Arroyo. Of course, De Venecia dreams of being the "Don" of this Mafia. Well, he does not know the true character of the person he currently deems his partner. Or he lusts after power too much, he has become oblivious to the fact that he will get to control it only over Ms Arroyo's dead body. And probably not even then.

Read the whole thing.

- the Malaya editorial points out Arroyo's strategic blunder on speculations that they made under-the-table deals with the Marcoses and Erap.

GLORIA and her operators might again have proven themselves too smart for their own good with their sub-rosa deals with two sections of the opposition in the run-up to the House plenary vote on the impeachment complaints.

We are referring to Rep. Imee Marcos’ surprise no-show during the session and the absence or abstention of the legislators identified with President Joseph Estrada. Those seven votes would have been enough to carry the number of "No" votes past the magic number of 79, considering the number of declared and undeclared supporters of impeachment.

We can speculate on the quid pro quo: a Libingan burial for Ferdinand Marcos in the case of Imee and further easing of the terms of detention of Estrada in the case of his allies in the House.

The deals were a major tactical victory for Arroyo, but could prove to be a spectacular strategic blunder now that the campaign for her ouster has shifted to the street

The reluctance of the middle class to join pre-impeachment street protests was partly due to their residual distrust of the Marcos and Estrada camps. Gloria, the consummate "transactional" chief executive, in one swoop lifted this psychological barrier.

The composition of the frontline of the march to the Batasan on Tuesday at the close of the House voting tells the story. Linking arms were Sen. Panfilo Lacson, evangelist Eddie Villanueva, President Cory Aquino and Susan Roces. Providing security were Christian Brothers from La Salle and diocesan priests. Making up the body of the protesters were militants, urban poor, workers, students and civil society members.

These are the reincarnations of the Edsa 1, Edsa 2 and Edsa 3 players. The only missing link to complete the people power chain is military and police support.

If middle-class sense that the Marcoses and Estradas are with the Arroyo camp, the better.

Erap OTOH, denies that there's a secret deal with the Arroyo admin.

Lito Banayo provides additional details:

The outcome was clear to the pro-impeachment team as early as Friday evening last. When the Erap six, namely Luis Asistio of Caloocan, Bai Sendig Dilangalen of Maguindanao, Tony Serapio of Valenzuela, Bingbong Crisologo of Quezon City, Oscar Malapitan also of Caloocan, and Pedro Pancho of Bulacan refused to affix their signatures, the battle of numbers was lost.

The previous Sunday, Ronny Zamora had to motor to Tanay after Asistio failed to get the former president’s go-signal. Erap wanted to talk to Ronny and have the pleasure of promising his avowed six votes to his former executive secretary. Ronny was so relieved after that Sunday meeting. He had 49 signatures pat, another 23 in escrow, to be released only when the magic 79 was realized. With the Asistio-led six on hand, go figure. Seventy-eight, plus Cynthia Villar of Las Pinas. And those whose sense of right versus wrong Zamora never doubted —- Teddy Boy Locsin of Makati, Dodo Mandanas of Batangas, and with him Vicky Reyes of Tanauan, and Boying Remulla of Cavite. Well over the hump, Ronny thought.

But powerful groups went to work. Asistio left the country. And the other five became as scarce as flamingo-colored mice. There was talk that Erap’s bail petition would be modified, this time by a quaint arrangement called "city-arrest", which means from Tanay to the municipal limits of petite San Juan. At least he could visit his long-ailing mother Maria Marcelo de Ejercito. It should have happened earlier, but Mike Defensor, still smarting from his embarrassment at being Jonathan Tiongco’s fool, blabbered a scoop to the Inquirer.

In their moments of panic and deep anxiety, did Malacañang use other back channels to the deposed president? Only Glory and Erap can say for sure, but surely they are not going to do so. Abangan, what the Sandiganbayan does or does not.

- MLQ3 has a good roundup today.

- Malacanang: Try again next year

- This is not good for Philippine journalism:

NONE of the twenty-five Filipino journalists killed from 2000 to 2005 belonged to a national news organization; most of them were provincial broadcasters with local radio and television, either doing freelance reporting or buying block time. At the time of their deaths, these journalists were reporting on anomalies in their communities.

These were some of the key findings of a recent study by the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) that sought to find a pattern in the killings of journalists in the country. International press organizations have called the country "the most murderous of all" for journalists, second to none, even countries where drug lords rule or civil strife rages. This year, five journalists have been killed on duty.